Adopting sustainable innovation: what makes consumers sign up to green electricity?
Abstract
In this era of unprecedented environmental change, optimism could help unite people to act. In the nowadays article, we bring together insights from psychology, business, politics, and media to illustrate humanity'southward innate attraction to optimism and the influence it can yield in driving positive modify. We advocate for greater utilize of optimism in the communication of conservation and provide practical steps to help conservation biologists use optimism more effectively. Nevertheless, to avoid denialism and remain grounded in reality nosotros also acknowledge the need for balance between optimism and pessimism. Such balance could non only enhance public appointment with pressing environmental bug simply as well encourage effective collaboration among science, government, public and manufacture sectors to address environmental issues.
Optimism is infectious. It is characterized every bit the persistent expectation for positive outcomes, interpreting negative events only as temporary setbacks (Seligman 2006). Anticipating a positive outcome is a fundamental motivator for committing to a cause and can spur individuals to activeness and improve group operation (Bailey et al. 2007, Luthans et al. 2008). Because human motivation and activity are products of what one believes, rather than the objective truth, optimism infused with a sense of personal efficacy tin can inspire the uninspired and help maintain hope through gloomy times (Bandura 1997, Seligman 2006, Ojala 2012).
Although an private's perception of environmental issues is swayed by their personal stake and societal values (Steg et al. 2014, Bain et al. 2016, Chapman et al. 2017), the infectious nature of optimism tin create an atmosphere of hope that motivates people to engage and cooperate on shared goals (Barsade 2002, Karademas 2006, Luthans et al. 2008, Cvitanovic and Hobday 2018). The magnitude of society's appetite for positive environmental news has caught many past surprise (e.grand., the #oceanoptimism move reached more than 76 million twitter users in just 3 years; Knowlton 2017). With broad societal entreatment, communicating optimistic conservation stories may raise public engagement with environmental issues, whereas conservation stakeholders (i.e., government, researchers, industry) may find incentive to collaborate by building optimism on the intermediate successes of their conservation efforts (Ansell and Gash 2008, Cvitanovic and Hobday 2018).
Information technology is like shooting fish in a barrel to be pessimistic well-nigh conservation. Scientists have shown that the human destruction of ecosystems is global. They have shown that few realms of planetary life are spared (Halpern et al. 2008) and that many are in irreversible decline (Hughes 2017). Media coverage has reinforced the sense of environmental cynicism by primarily focusing on the threats and failures of conservation (Ader 1995, Hart and Feldman 2014). Even where science journalism avoids doom and gloom messaging and offers solutions and promise, at that place remains a trend for their headlines to lead with alarmist rhetoric to draw reader attention (Johns and Jacquet 2018). Unwittingly, ongoing research into ecology degradation has fuelled the media'southward persistent use of environmental pessimism within guild, which reinforces environmental cynicism within conservation science (figure 1; Swaisgood and Sheppard 2010, Morton 2017).
Figure 1.
Figure i.
Despite the shock value of negative messaging, which can fuel media reporting and ratings (Serani 2008), negative environmental advice can atomic number 82 to disengagement from environmental action (O'Neill and Nicholson-Cole 2009, Landry et al. 2018). Research into fear appeals (i.due east., messages that rely on fright to encourage a listener to change their beliefs) suggests that, unless listeners are fabricated aware of a perceived pathway to a solution, fright-driven letters do not always promote action (for a review, meet Ruiter et al. 2001, Serani 2008). Fear tends to promote a fight-or-flying response to problems (Levenson 1992). Therefore, fearfulness appeals can lead to avoidance, such that listeners feel unable to take action (Ruiter et al. 2001), or—worse—to denial (i.e., psychological defence force; Witte and Allen 2000).
Persistent ecology pessimism risks fatiguing social club (Serani 2008, Landry et al. 2018) and perpetuates a feeling of hopelessness that diminishes our desire to collaborate and champion change (Peterson et al. 1993, O'Neill and Nicholson-Cole 2009). Social norms can reinforce avoidance, considering it discourages social and public discussion of depressing topics (Fraser et al. 2013). Therefore, the scientific outreach of issues perceived to exist negative can, over time, be hampered by cynicism, for which there seems to be no solution.
Here, we suggest that conservation tin can be more constructive with stakeholder collaboration when advice of negativity and fear is balanced with positivity and hope. Although human activities tend to have uncertain outcomes, it is recognized that these outcomes may be swayed not only by negative and positive mindsets but also the belief that one'southward actions can influence outcomes (Bandura 1997, Seligman 2006, Bailey et al. 2007). Evidence for positive environmental outcomes are non so difficult to find: The tide is slowly turning on habitat destruction (eastward.g., 70%–fourscore% reductions in commercial angling impacts over concluding five years; Halpern et al. 2015), protection of land and sea is gaining (i.e., increased thirteen.four million square kilometers marine, and 263,932 square kilometers terrestrial protected areas in 2017; UNEP-WCMC and IUCN 2018, www.protectedplanet.internet), and campaigns for restoration are beginning to involve unlikely champions (e.thou., Billion Oyster Project, billionoysterproject.org; Operation Crayweed, operationcrayweed.com).
In the present review, nosotros bring together social and conservation psychology, media and communications, and business and politics to depict how optimism engages people to collaborate and work strategically on solving ecology problems. The potential of optimism to heighten performance is well recognized in business management (Luthans et al. 2008) and sports leadership (Martin-Krumm et al. 2003, Fransen et al. 2015). The emergence of environmental optimism from the prevailing culture of environmental pessimism has recognized value, even to those media that normally use stupor and discord to attract audience (Tanner 2011). Although this is the "Anthropocene," the epoch of environmental pass up by humans, we synthesize cantankerous-disciplinary evidence for optimistic letters to sway ecology solutions.
Optimism inspires and unites
Optimism is a pervasive human trait (Sharot et al. 2011). The positive psychology of optimism and hope help us reach positive feelings (Bailey et al. 2007) that contrast their opposites—pessimism (psychological trait) and fright (emotional state). Optimism and pessimism inform our expectation that events volition turn out positively or negatively, but although optimism is infused with achievement, helplessness is at the core of pessimism (Peterson et al. 1993, Seligman 2006). Inside this duality, hope is similar to fear, in that they are both future-oriented emotions that reply to uncertainty on the basis of advantage or punishment (Chadwick 2015). In contrast to fearfulness, which provokes a fight-or-flight response, those who are hopeful for a positive effect are more likely to remain engaged with goals and take productive action toward achieving them (Snyder et al. 2001). In the present article, we synthesize research into humanity's innate attraction to optimism and discuss how it may provide a resource for enhanced collaboration for environmental solutions. We explore how both optimistic and pessimistic messages, that appeal to promise and fear, influence such engagement. Clearly, numerous social and moral factors motivate engagement with environmental messages (Steg et al. 2014), and emotional appeals are not simple switches for mediating action (Chapman et al. 2017). But affectionate the role that emotional positivity plays in group performance (Luthans et al. 2008) may encourage greater engagement (Cvitanovic and Hobday 2018).
Eminent psychologist Martin Seligman (2006, p. 291) recognizes optimism every bit "a tool to help the individual achieve the goals he has set for himself." Optimistic individuals view negative events equally temporary challenges while property onto the anticipation of a positive outcome (Snyder et al. 2001, Seligman 2006). Nevertheless, just feeling optimistic does not guarantee proenvironmental action, but instead, optimism combines with a sense of personal or grouping ability to influence an outcome. This sense of ability (sensu efficacy beliefs) is a greater predictor of engagement (Bandura 1997, 2000). Psychologists have shown that perceptions of power to influence solutions, predicts an optimistic outlook and ensuing social back up for them (Karademas 2006). Therefore, optimistic letters that as well build the sense of personal efficacy or collective efficacy foster greater resolve to achieve gear up goals (Bandura 2000, Besta et al. 2016). Efficacy provides the motivation needed for individuals to act on optimistic or pessimistic news (Hart and Feldman 2014).
Optimism is not, however, all positive news. Optimism does not guarantee success and can reduce the sense of urgency for action (Hornsey and Fielding 2016). Taken to its extreme, unchecked optimism leads to fantasy, a self-deceptive land that avoids discomforting reality by rejecting facts in preference of personal beliefs (Cole 2003, Scruton 2010). Whereas pessimists are more realistic about negative situations, blind optimists distort reality to cocky-serve a rosy outlook and typically lack the resolute efficacy to cope with incertitude or disappointment (Bandura 1997, Seligman 2006). Indeed, overly optimistic messages about global environmental issues can promote inaction amid listeners (Hornsey and Fielding 2016).
Optimism runs the adventure of setting upwardly an audition for disappointment if it is non adequately rooted in truth or realism. Indeed, realism, the full awareness and acceptance of the possibility of negative events, is needed to balance our optimism bias (Scruton 2010). Communication of environmental issues, therefore, should include the reality of environmental decline while providing a sense of efficacy for their solutions (Hart and Feldman 2014, Hine et al. 2016). Achieving this balance need non involve optimistic or pessimistic messaging, just optimistic letters that employ a sense of efficacy can inspire engagement, besides as enhanced psychological and social well-existence (Bandura 1997, Seligman 2006). Striking a balance between optimism and reality and providing success stories are becoming increasingly important to building resilience in future societies facing unprecedented environmental modify (Cvitanovic and Hobday 2018, Swim et al. 2018).
Studies of the human being encephalon suggest our optimism bias has neurological roots. A robust and persistent feature of human psychology centers on the greater issue of positive news on updating our expectations of personal life events (i.due east., asymmetry in neural processing of positive and negative information; Sharot et al. 2011). This bias extends to our perception of the natural environment, with most people more optimistic about the future of their local environment than nigh those they seldom experience (Gifford et al. 2009). Despite humanity'south optimism bias, negative events capture people's firsthand attending more than positive events exercise (Rozin and Royzman 2001). Considering of the attention-grabbing holding of negative information, the media tend to concenter viewers by focusing on negative outcomes (i.east., "if it bleeds, it leads"; Serani 2008), which can sway public opinion away from informed debate (Tanner 2011). Problematically for conservation, fear appeals are attention grabbing and are often presented without a solution, which cognitive research shows to reduce societal engagement (Ruiter et al. 2001).
Positive and negative emotions are both highly socially contagious (Barsade 2002, Fowler and Christakis 2008). Our emotions tend to be swayed past our personal interactions (Hatfield et al. 1993) and what we read in the media (Kramer et al. 2014), and they can spread from an private to the emotional psychology of groups (Fowler and Christakis 2008). Repeated exposure to positive and negative experiences tin can lead to learned optimism or helplessness, withal private differences in their psychological predisposition to be optimistic or pessimistic (Peterson et al. 1993, Seligman 2006). Although positive feelings can encourage artistic problem-solving (Fredrickson 2001) and can readily change the fashion people think (Sharot et al. 2011), negative news tends to reinforce existing idea patterns (Peterson et al. 1993). Learned helplessness, in turn, is associated with reduced proenvironmental behavior among those concerned near the environment (Landry et al. 2018).
When the principles from positive psychology are applied to human performance, we amend in function and flourish (as demonstrated theoretically, experimentally, and practically; Seligman 2006). Barsade (2002) demonstrated that groups of people exposed to positive emotions take stronger performance and better cooperation, with less conflict. A positive mood can predict greater negotiation skills and the willingness to reach a compromise on group decisions (Forgas 1998). Broaden and build theory suggests that positive over negative states of mind business relationship for greater performance and capacity to consider artistic and flexible responses (Fredrickson 2001). Management psychologists show that team functioning and delivery increases by enhancing the psychological majuscule of the team (Luthans et al. 2008). Enhanced optimism, hope, and emotional resilience strengthen performance through work satisfaction of making positive alter (Youssef and Luthans 2007, Luthans et al. 2008). When used in practice, positive psychology not simply enhances team coordination and problem solving (in concern; Barsade 2002) but as well creates winners (in sports teams; Seligman 2006, Fransen et al. 2015).
People are more engaged when they feel they can make a positive difference (Geiger et al. 2017). If people experience pessimistic well-nigh the future of the environment, they are less probable to invest in helping it (Clayton and Myers 2015, Landry et al. 2018). It is, therefore, a modest wonder that conservation psychologists emphasize the value of connecting an private's contribution to environmental protection with its success; positive news appears central to increasing societal date with conservation (Clayton and Myers 2015). Therefore, we advocate that a positive outlook about the surround might also encourage greater willingness for disconnected groups to notice mutual footing for collaboration (due east.m., customs groups, ecology organizations, government; Morse 2010; figure 2).
Figure 2.
Effigy 2.
The success of conservation projects is oftentimes strengthened by connecting groups of people who are engaged in the planning (Gleason et al. 2010). Connecting local community, scientific, and industry groups engages the full social, economic, and environmental potential of conservation projects (Lundquist and Granek 2005). Exclusion, however, often leads to noncompliance and distrust (Andrade and Rhodes 2012). Simply as optimism enhances group collaboration and commonage ability (e.g., efficacy in grouping piece of work; Barsade 2002, Sy et al. 2005), optimism infused with efficacy might enable environmental solutions. Over shared environmental goals, it can unify disconnected groups past increasing the operational capacity, political will, and funding (Gleason et al. 2010). We advocate the value of highlighting the contribution of individuals or groups to conservation, because it provides a powerful motivator for engaging environmental solutions (Geiger et al. 2017) that encourages more lasting commitment and community stewardship (Pretty and Smith 2004, Lundquist and Granek 2005, Bailey et al. 2007).
Using optimism to inspire public appointment
Where will the next leaders come from to motility conservation inaction to conservation activity? Although people tend to expect the government to lead conservation (e.g., with new, greener policies; Stoddart et al. 2012), ecology leadership is driven by a multifariousness of sectors. Governments may have ambitions for environmental policy, simply when there is a lack of public demand for the policy's benefits, enacting that policy may not align with their political agenda (Hale 2010). Facilitating public involvement and collaboration often requires collective forums, which can generate policy solutions (Ansell and Gash 2008) and industrial-scale solutions (Ozaki 2011; figure 2). Indeed, ecology policy is more than successful when enabled past public participation (Pretty and Smith 2004), particularly when the public recognizes industrial acceptance and scientific back up (Morse 2010). In the present article, we utilize theory from both psychology and communications to outline a five footstep process to assist conservation biologists remainder optimism and reality to inspire public engagement.
Pace 1: know your target audience
People vary considerably in their cognition, business and willingness to appoint with environmental solutions (Kollmuss and Agyeman 2002, Tobler et al. 2012, Schaffner et al. 2015) and holding a personal stake in an issue can be more impactful than messaging (Devine-Wright 2009, Schultz 2011). Therefore, identifying your target audience clarifies the kinds of environmental messages likely to engage them, which is the first step in making the message stick (Nisbet 2009, Hine et al. 2016). Messages that rely on impersonal data and facts, a stalwart of science communication, are difficult for lay audiences to absorb (Schaffner et al. 2015, Doubleday and Connell 2017). Knowing your target audition and the values that drive their engagement with ecology problems (e.grand., an emotional attachment to a place, as in Manzo and Devine-Wright 2013; improved social benevolence, as in Bain et al. 2016) will help scientific discipline communicators pattern their letters for greater impact (Schultz 2011, Hine et al. 2016).
Cognition of what fundamentally concerns your target audition will inform how all-time to frame the ecology outcome (Nisbet 2009). Audiences that are skeptical of the science or establishment behind an environmental bulletin may exist best reached by avoiding inflammatory topics or politically charged terminology (e.g., global warming, climatic change; Tobler et al. 2012, Hine et al. 2016). The distinction between audiences may exist subtle. For example, the wholesale loss of biodiversity may concern those with a potent personal connection to nature (due east.g., hikers; Nisbet et al. 2009), simply other recreational groups may be more concerned about the loss of particular species (due east.g., fisherman concerned with stock conservation; La Peyre et al. 2012). Some audiences may see environmental stewardship equally a moral imperative for social good (Markowitz and Shariff 2012), merely others may only engage with ecology problems when those issues directly threaten their personal environs (i.e., "non in my backyard"; Devine-Wright 2009). Understanding which issues will psychologically imprint on your target audience is critical to framing the message, and can exist better understood through engagement with social and behavioral scientists.
For some target audiences, however, scientists may not be the most appropriate source for delivering environmental messages (Nisbet 2009, Osmond et al. 2010, Moser and Dilling 2011). For instance, business leaders may be more appropriate when environmental issues take economical implications. Similar alignment might exist found with customs elders that may be more persuasive over moral issues (Moser and Dilling 2011). Particularly when an audition displays distrust of the science, scientific discipline communicators that engage community leaders to communicate their message may not only benefit from greater resonance with their audience, merely too gain greater insight into their audience's values and concerns.
Step ii: build awareness of the threat
To build awareness, a dose of environmental reality provides the first step in communicating with the target audition. Without awareness of a threat people have no incentive to intendance. The initial shock of news of environmental decline captures attention (Serani 2008) and incentive to care. Indeed, the greater physiological imprint of negative than positive news has greater capacity to capture peoples' attention (Rozin and Royzman 2001), merely as was discussed earlier, its sustained use leads to disengagement (Ruiter et al. 2001). Therefore, target audiences that are already aware of the issue may not do good from farther compounding its negativity. For these audiences, we may be better to approach them using steps three and iv (beneath), which balance reality with optimism and bureau.
Step 3: build optimism with success stories
Establishing an optimistic outlook for solving an issue is of import for inspiring audiences that recognize the environmental problem. Describing environmental or community success stories can impart a sense of optimism for a positive outcome (Cvitanovic and Hobday 2018, Swim et al. 2018). Expectations for a positive outcome are a strong motivator for individuals to commit to a crusade (Bailey et al. 2007). They generate an optimistic atmosphere around a communal task that motivates individuals to cooperate and personally invest in the solutions (Barsade 2002, Karademas 2006).
Success stories need to be relevant to the specific environmental result and align with the fundamental concerns of the audience. For instance, audiences concerned with habitat loss may detect the global expansion of protected areas (UNEP-WCMC and IUCN 2018, www.protectedplanet.internet) a source of optimism. Communities resistant to new regulation of their environment may find optimism in stories of similar community resistance that subsequently switched to customs stewardship in one case the benefits of regulation were realized (e.thou., marine protected areas; Ballantine 2014). Examples of the public leading successful environmental solutions tin exist particularly powerful for inspiring community leadership. A useful example is the Needmore Tract, in North Carolina, where a grassroots residential entrada snowballed to a partnership with government and manufacture that eventuated in the $19 million purchase and conservation of country earmarked for development (Morse 2010).
Step 4: provide a pathway forwards
Optimism in the absence of a sense of efficacy and concrete ideas for solutions is "little more than wishful thinking" (Bandura 1997, p. 159). Therefore, in order to capitalize on the optimism generated around an ecology issue, communicators might provide a pathway frontward that builds the audience'due south sense of efficacy and provides opportunity for personal date. Importantly, connecting the private's contribution to the success of an environmental entrada is a strong motivator for engagement with an result (Clayton and Myers 2015). Successful environmental campaigns that promote the individuals' behavioral contribution can stimulate ownership of the outcomes, which provides motivation for sustained commitment to a cause (Bailey et al. 2007).
The pathway forward must exist framed to align with the target audience's concerns. The personal toll (e.thou., financial, fourth dimension, try) relative to the environmental gain of the pathway is likely a strong determinant of an private's willingness to have the efficiency of the solution (Kollmuss and Agyeman 2002, Tobler et al. 2012), and therefore, the ecology gain must align with their key concerns. For case, communicating the ecology benefits of behavior that reduces household energy utilisation (e.g., purchasing energy efficient devices) may encourage those concerned near climate change, whereas those unconcerned near energy usage may exist swayed by focusing on the financial benefits of adopting energy saving behavior (Arpan et al. 2013). Letters that empower consumers with low-cost solutions to environmental issues have been shown to enhance public engagement (Tobler et al. 2012, Schaffner et al. 2015).
Conforming to social norms is a strong incentive for adopting proenvironmental behavior (Schultz 2011, Steg et al. 2014). Recognizing that our own choices have the capacity to positively influence social change provides sway in communicating green products to consumers. This ability of choice resonates with audiences that value community morals and benevolence (Bain et al. 2016). A good analogy is the automobile industry'southward sale of hybrid cars; marketed to reflect people'southward desire to comply with their community's values and norms (Ozaki 2011).
Step 5: creating community spirit
Optimism tin likewise be built by creating a sense of unity and commonage capacity against a against problem. Such psychology was used by Winston Churchill when he told the British people that "I have nothing to offer just blood, toil, tears, and sweat"—recognizing the unpalatable reality shared by all citizens as a rallying call for hope and resilience through unity against a common problem. Appealing to such a customs spirit may provide the impetus for collective engagement on ecology solutions, as believing in the collective capacity of a unified customs provides motivation, commitment, and resilience among members when faced with uncertainty (Bandura 2000, Besta et al. 2016).
Inspiring the public to form community groups (e.1000., of concerned citizens) can install the belief (collective efficacy) that they can have influence (Bandura 1997, 2000). Where communities feel this efficacy, they are known to generate unusual cooperation between otherwise disparate stakeholders (Pretty and Smith 2004). At that place are some hit examples of such group success. Public pressure collection the formation of California's Marine Life Protection Act of 1999, leading to statewide reform of marine protected areas (Gleason et al. 2010). Public campaigning led to the creation of the Nifty Barrier Marine Park Human activity of 1975 (Foxwell-Norton and Lester 2017). With leadership coming from an energized public, the snowballing effect of contributing partners can lead to greater collaboration and conservation capacity (figure 2).
Conclusion
Faced with the choice of devoting yourself to an optimistic or pessimistic movement, the choice is easy. However, the overt enthusiasm of the optimistic salesman may make you lot wary of a suspiciously adept thing, or exit you disappointed when reality misaligns with your expectation. In contrast, the pessimist might appear to speak honestly, although their bulletin is boring and deflating. Sustained conservation date likely needs to strike a balance between optimism and realism.
Recognizing the importance of the psychology behind environmental detachment rather than focusing but on the science of environmental change, will aid us to develop the activities needed to revitalize the natural globe (Schultz 2011, Clayton and Myers 2015). At the core of disengagement is helplessness; people demand to believe that their deportment tin can make a difference (Bandura 1997, Geiger et al. 2017, Landry et al. 2018). Nosotros have recommended five steps toward building a sense of optimism and efficacy for environmental solutions. We advocate an interdisciplinary arroyo to communicating conservation scientific discipline, bringing together ecologists and conservation biologists with social and behavioral scientists, to enhance conservation's palatability and resonance with the public. Information technology is well established that using principles from psychological and advice science leads to media and marketing success; we advocate that conservation biologists would likewise benefit from using these insights, whether they deliver the message themselves or pass on facts for others to communicate. In seeking the wisdom of social scientists, conservation biologists can learn to appoint the public through informed ecology optimism and solution.
Optimism helps discover the mutual ground for collaboration, uniting divergent groups with the hope that our collective efforts will achieve beneficial environmental outcomes. We advocate for greater use of optimism in the communication of environmental science to rebalance our negative communication culture, a transition that may well inspire greater public engagement with environmental solutions. Although nosotros often demand a dose of reality to stupor us into sensation of a trouble, information technology cannot be denied that success stories can inspire people and bridge the gap between trouble and solution.
Acknowledgments
The authors thank Karen Gasper (Associate Professor of Psychology at The Pennsylvania State University) and the anonymous reviewers for their thoughtful comments on the manuscript.
Author Biographical
Dominic McAfee is a research beau and Sean D. Connell (sean.connell@adelaide.edu.au) is a professor in the Marine Biology group in The University of Adelaide's School of Biology, and Zoë A. Doubleday is a research fellow in the University of South Australia'due south Time to come Industries Institute in Adelaide, South Australia. Nathaniel Geiger is assistant professor in the Media School at Indiana University, in Bloomington.
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© The Writer(s) 2019. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the American Found of Biological Sciences.
Source: https://academic.oup.com/bioscience/article/69/4/274/5369894
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